The following statement was made by an anonymous contemporary "Jewish" inhabitant of Jerusalem or Hebron:
"Jerusalem the Holy City has been destroyed through our sins. Nothing is left of the old structure except for a little of the foundation of the walls. Now, in 1537, they have begun to build the walls around the city by order of the king, Sultan Suleiman. They have also put a great fountain in the Temple…"
(Ha-Me'ammer, 3, p. 211).
The building of the wall made a great impression on the Jewish world, and Joseph ha-Kohen recorded it in his chronicle:
"In that year 1540 [an insignificant error], God aroused the spirit of Suleiman king of Greece (= Rumelia) and Persia and he set out to build the walls of Jerusalem the holy city in the land of Judah. And he sent officials who built its walls and set up its gates as in former times and its towers as in bygone days. And his fame spread throughout the land for he wrought a great deed. And they did also extend the tunnel into the town lest the people thirst for water. May God remember him favorably"
(Sefer Divrei ha-Yamim le-Malkhei Ẓarefat u-Malkhei Beit Ottoman, Sabionetta, 1554, 261b–262a).
As is stated in the former source, the wall was rebuilt on top of its former remains, some of which dated to Second Temple times. In certain places the plannerengineer deviated from the ancient pattern, e.g., by leaving part of present-day Mount Zion outside the wall. According to tradition he was executed for this.
The construction of the wall lasted from 1537 to 1541, as is recounted in the 11 original inscriptions inserted in various parts of the wall, especially near the gates. Thus, for instance, the inscription near the Jaffa Gate (Bāb al-Khalīl, the Gate of Hebron) contains the date 945 a.h. (1538–39).
The southern wall contains the Zion Gate (Bāb al-Nabī Daʾud, i.e., Gate of the "Prophet" David, since it is near "David's Tomb," which ison Mount Zion).
Next is the Dung Gate (Bāb al-Maghāriba, or Moor Gate, because of its proximity to the quarter of the Maghreb Muslims).
On a tablet nearby is the date 947 a.h. (1540–41).
Further east along the southern wall are three gates which are closed off, dating to pre-Ottoman times: the Double Gate, the Triple Gate, and the Single Gate.
Northward along the eastern wall is the Mercy Gate (which the Muslims call by the same name, Bāb al-Raḥma, or al-Dahriyya, i.e., Eternal, and the Christians call the Golden Gate).
There are several legendary reasons for its being closed. Inside the area of the Temple Mount this gate has been divided into two since the early Middle Ages, one being called the Gate of Repentance (Bāb al-Tawba). In the east is the Lions' Gate (Bāb Sittna Maryam, the Gate of our Lady Mary, because of its proximity to the traditional birthplace of Mary, Jesus' mother; the Christians call it St. Stephen's Gate). On the northern side is Herod's (or the Flower) Gate (Bāb al-Zahra, a corruption of Sāhira since it leads to the plain of Sāhira (Sura 79:14) on which, as the Muslims believe, all creatures will congregate on the day of the resurrection of the dead (see *Eschatology)). The most magnificent of the gates is the Damascus Gate (Bāb al-ʿAmūd, Gate of the Pillar or Column). The seventh gate is the New Gate in the wall near the Christian Quarter (opposite the Hospice of Notre Dame), which was opened at the time of the sultan Abdul Hamid ii (1876–1908) and for this reason was first called the Sultan's Gate; it was to facilitate the connection between the Christian Quarter and New Jerusalem.
Suleiman also introduced changes in the buildings on the Temple Mount. He ordered that the mosaics covering the walls of the Dome of the Rock be removed and replaced by beautiful marble tablets and facings, which adorned the building until the 1950s and were in part replaced during the repairs conducted by the Jordanian government. During Suleiman's reign four sabīls (public fountains) were set up in the city and one outside it near the Sultan's Pool, in order to provide water for passersby. The most beautiful of these is opposite the Chain Gate (Bāb al-Silsila) in the wall surrounding the Temple Mount. The two Jewish sources mentioned above emphasize the special attention devoted to one of the age-old problems of Jerusalem, the city's water supply, especially for the Temple Mount area.
The conduits bringing water from the vicinity of Solomon's Pools (near Bethlehem) were repaired and widened by order of Suleiman and his wife Roxelana, and in 1536 the Sultan's Pool was constructed on the foundations of an ancient pool.
Its water was collected by means of the dam in the Hinnom Valley (on what is the present-day road to Mt. Zion) and on it is also the fifth sabīl.
In order to maintain the madrasas (Muslim theological colleges) and shelters for the Sufis (zāwiya, khanqa, tekke) which were established in former times, many properties (waqf) such as lands, shops, and flour mills were dedicated, bringing a flow of money to Muslim Jerusalem.
Roxelana also established a khan (inn), and especially an ʿimāret (a soup kitchen providing free meals for students of the madrasas, dervishes, and other poor Muslims). These institutions were supported by taxes levied on numerous villages throughout the country. Repairs, which were ordered by the sultan, were made on the fortress near David's Tower (Turk. Qishla, winter barracks for the soldiers). A Turkish aga encamped at this fortress together with an escort of a troop of janissaries.
the decline of jerusalem
After this period of construction, however, the development of Jerusalem was halted. The authorities did nothing to preserve the show pieces of Muslim architecture and prevent their destruction through the agency of time and of man. Administratively, Jerusalem was the seat of the governor of the district, or sanjak (Ar. liwā ʾ; Turk. sanjaq, both meaning "standard"). However, the mīr liwā ʾ or sanjaq bey (i.e., the governor) was usually of a lower status than the other local regional rulers (Safed, Nablus, Gaza), since the central authorities regarded Jerusalem as no more than a town bordering on the land of the Bedouin (Arabistan). Jerusalem's governor was subordinate to the general governor (Turkish wali) of the province (eyālet), usually that of Damascus, but sometimes to the wali of Sidon (and Acre), and had no direct contact with the central authorities in Constantinople. In 1756/1169 a.h., however, Jerusalem was raised for a short time to the status of an independent provincial unit (eyālet), ruled by a governor (mutaṣarrif) bearing the standard of two tughs ("horsetails") – though only in the second half of the 19thcentury did it become an independent mutasarriflik ruled by a "two-tail" pasha – directly subordinate to the Sublime Porte in Constantinople (see below). In the city of Jerusalem the immediate control of all municipal matters was in the hands of the qadi. He was also the authority over all non-Muslims.
The Ottomans introduced no changes in the composition of the Muslim population of Jerusalem. During their 400-year reign only a few Turks settled in the country. The Turkish language did not take the place of Arabic, although a number of Turkish words were incorporated into the spoken Arabic. This absence of a permanently settled Turkish class facilitated the establishment of a kind of local nobility in Jerusalem, composed of the distinguished Arab families which derived their power and influence from farming taxes and duties (iltizām) and from their control of hereditary religious functions and, at the end of the Ottoman period, exercised administrative functions. These were the aʿyān (the notables, "eyes" of the community), the effendi (masters), e.g., the families of Khatīb, Dajjānī, Anṣārī, Khālidī, ʿAlamī, and later Nashāshībī and Ḥusaynī. Several of Jerusalem's Christian families were also well-known: Salāmeh, Tannūs, ʿAṭallah, and Katan.
One reason for the Ottoman rulers' disparaging attitude toward Jerusalem may have been its insignificance from a strategic and political point of view when there was no longer a danger of renewed Crusades. At the Ottoman conquest of Ereẓ Israel (1516) even the exact date of Jerusalem's capture was not noted. Because of its insignificance the rebels and invaders did not attempt to conquer it. The same situation existed at the time of Ẓāhir al-Omar, who in 1773 controlled the whole country except for Jerusalem. Similarly, Napoleon did not consider it necessary to conquer Jerusalem and was satisfied with the towns of the coastal strip and the plain. Another reason was the city's economic insignificance. According to the Ottoman records of land registration from the 16th century, the inhabitants of the district of Jerusalem were far fewer in number than those of Gaza, Nablus, and Safed. Accordingly, the income of Jerusalem's governor was smaller than that of the other governors. Apart from soap and Christian religious objects, almost nothing was manufactured in Jerusalem which could be exported to other districts or abroad. Nor did local trade play an important role in the city, since industry and craft did not develop in Jerusalem, which had no fertile rural areas surrounding it. Jewish, Muslim, and Christian sources were therefore justified in repeatedly emphasizing that most of the city's inhabitants were extremely impoverished. During the Ottoman Empire's period of abundance, the sultans regarded it as a duty to exempt the city's inhabitants from various taxes and even sent yearly contributions for distribution among the poor.
jewish jerusalem
Even before the Ottoman conquest there were many indications that Jewish Jerusalem was awakening from its lethargy. At the beginning of the 16th century it attracted the kabbalists who were awaiting the imminent redemption, such as Abraham b. Eliezer ha-Levi. Isaac Sholal, the nagid of Egypt, also settled in the city. After the conquest, and especially in light of the sympathetic attitude of Sultan Suleiman, which aroused such a positive response on the part of the Jews, it appears as if there existed, in effect, those political and social conditions which could enable Jerusalem to reassert its function as the spiritual and religious center of Judaism. David *Reuveni, a man of imagination and political courage, approached the Jews of Jerusalem. *Levi b. Ḥabib, who settled in the city and was one of the greatest scholars of his time, attacked Jacob *Berab for wanting to reestablish ordination (semikhah) in Safed and succeeded in foiling that plan. *David ibn Abi Zimra and, later, Bezalel *Ashkenazi taught in Jerusalem. However, the overwhelming poverty of the scholars and all the Jewish inhabitants placed the city at a disadvantage, and Safed, which attracted in the 16th century the greatest scholars and most of the immigrants, superseded Jerusalem for a time in importance as a center.
However, the communities of Egypt and Syria (especially Damascus) aided the Jerusalem community, as is attested by Moses *Trani (De Trani): "All the holy communities which send contributions to Jerusalem know that, in addition to what is distributed among the scholars and the poor, they are also used for all the fines and penalties levied on the community, for the inhabitants of Jerusalem can pay only the kharā j(poll tax)… and the remaining burdens… have to be met from outside contributions; for if they did not do thus, no one would want to settle in the city" (Responsa, vol. 3, no. 228). The situation of the scholars and yeshivot was especially difficult, and there are recurring and repeated complaints about this in the literature of the period.
Apparently the local rulers hindered the consolidation of the city's Jewish population. According to official censuses in 1525, 1533–39, and 1553, the number of Jews in the town ranged between approximately 1,000 and 1,500. They lived in three quarters, Sharaf, al-Maslakh ("Slaughterhouse"), and Rīsha, which are coextensive with the present-day Jewish Quarter. David ibn Abi Zimra conveys in his responsa the interesting information that the Jewish Quarter is called the "City of Zion" by the Jews and Ṣahyūn by the Arabs. He explains that in the laws pertaining to the holiness of Jerusalem a distinction is to be made between that part to which these laws pertain, called by the Arabs Quds (= Jerusalem), and the other part ("Zion"), which is considered outside of Jerusalem. In 1586 the authorities deprived the community of the synagogue named after Naḥmanides (restored only after the Six-Day War).
After Safed's decline at the end of the 16th century Jerusalem was built up. Bezalel Ashkenazi, who had come from Egypt, played a major role in this rebuilding. He was not content merely to act as dayyan but also lent his help in the organization of material assistance and even went on a mission to organize aid and save the synagogue which had been confiscated. He died in the early 1590s, however – shortly after his immigration – and was unable to carry out his activities. His initiative persisted after his death and Jewish Jerusalem continued to recover. The stream of immigrants from Turkey, North Africa, Italy, and Western Europe soon turned to Jerusalem. One of the most distinguished and famous among them was R. Isaiah *Horowitz (immigrated in 1622), author of Shenei Luḥot ha-Berit, whose influence was of great spiritual importance for the community. He found a population in Jerusalem composed of Sephardim, Ashkenazim, and Italians (who were considered one community), Maghrebis, and Mustaʿribs (Moriscos). There was also a small Karaite community. Shortly after his arrival the community suffered severely from the persecution of the governor Muhammad ibn Farrukh (1625), which is described in the pamphlet Ḥorvot Yerushalayim (published anonymously in Venice, 1636). This governor, however, was removed from his post a short while later and the community recovered.
In general, the situation improved in Jerusalem, but the tax burden and other impositions were not eased. There are various extant sources from this period, including several interesting travel descriptions (see *Travels) – among them that of R. Moses Poryat of Prague (1650) – which make it possibleto achieve a faithful reconstruction of the situation. There are also descriptions from the end of the 17th century which render an exact description of the situation in Jerusalem. There were then about 300 Jewish families, with nearly 1,200 persons. This number exceeded the quota established by the Ottoman authorities for the Jews in the city, and they therefore had to be bribed so that they would not expel the "extra" ones. The extortion of monies resulting from the increased numbers of Jews caused some of the people within the community to seek to limit the number of new settlers and make them go elsewhere.
The only possibility for the economic consolidation of the community was to send emissaries abroad to seek aid. Among the Jerusalem emissaries was *Shabbetai Ẓevi, who only arrived in the city in 1662 but made such a strong personal impression that shortly thereafter he was entrusted with the task of collecting contributions in Egypt. He did, in fact, succeed in raising considerable sums but he used them for disseminating propaganda for his movement. The sages of Jerusalem, who were not convinced by his messianic claims, excommunicated him and compelled him to leave Jerusalem. This, however, led to conflict and some of the Jerusalem emissaries who went abroad engaged in Shabbatean propaganda, caused friction within the Jerusalem community, and even undermined it economically and caused its breakdown, since they hindered an effective organization of aid to the community. Spiritually, in contrast, Jerusalem flourished during the 17th century. The city inherited Safed's place in the study of the Kabbalah. R. Jacob *Ẓemaḥ settled there in the late 1630s and edited the writings of R. Ḥayyim Vital with the help of the latter's son Samuel. He himself wrote a series of books and commentaries explaining the teachings of R. Isaac Luria and Vital. Other mystics also settled in the city and, from then on, Jerusalem became the center of the kabbalists.
An important contribution to the development of the city's spiritual life was made by Jacob *Ḥagiz, who came from the Maghreb (Fez) by way of Italy, as did most of the North African immigrants of that time. With the financial assistance of an Italian family of philanthropists he established the bet midrash Beit Ya'akov (1658), in which leading contemporary scholars taught talented disciples. These scholars included: R. Moses *Galante, R. Samuel *Garmison, R. Solomon *Algazi, and the important posek R. *Hezekiah da Silva, author of Peri Hadash.
At the end of the 17th century the Jewish community numbered approximately 1,000 persons. According to the record of poll taxes, there were around 180 payers of the *kharāj. A quarter of them were scholars and rabbis; the remainder were craftsmen and small businessmen. Neither group belonged to the wealthy classes who paid the highest tax (aʿlā), only a quarter paid the intermediate (awsaṭ), and the great majority the lower tax (adnā).
Although the Shabbatean movement failed and seemed to abate at the end of the 17th century, the ferment it had aroused did not cease. A group, 500 strong, headed by Judah b. Samuel he-Ḥasid and Ḥayyim *Malakh, which contained extreme and moderate Shabbatean trends, came to Jerusalem from Poland in 1700 and settled in the courtyard which was later the site of the Ḥurvah synagogue. Before their arrival the population was around 1,200, about a sixth of whom were Ashkenazim. The group broke up quickly, however, since their behavior led to quarrels within the community, until the veteran inhabitants had to turn to Poland and Western Europe and request assistance in their battle against the newcomers. In addition, the burden of debts owed by the Ashkenazim to the Muslims became so heavy that they no longer could bear them or maneuver with the creditors. Due to disruptions on the roads in Europe, financial help did not arrive from there. On Nov. 8, 1720, the Arabs broke into the Ashkenazi synagogue and burned the Scrolls of the Law. They also seized the plot and held it until the migration of Perushim to Jerusalem approximately 100 years later (1816). For some time no Ashkenazi Jew could show himself in the streets of Jerusalem unless he disguised himself in Eastern dress. One of the first Ashkenazim who decided to return to Jerusalem was R. *Abraham Gershon of Kutow, brother-in-law of the Baal Shem Tov (c. 1750).
During that period of depression, the community of Constantinople had to take the Jews of Jerusalem under its wing. A "council of officials" was established in the capital of the Ottoman Empire which undertook the responsibility for clearing up the community's debts and arranging its financial affairs. The officials from Constantinople also instituted ordinances and special arrangements in order to prevent a recurrence of those events which had brought about the community's economic downfall. A special parnas was sent from Constantinople to supervise public affairs. Knowledge about the economic improvements resulting from these efforts became widespread and numerous immigrants again began to settle in Jerusalem, especially scholars. A special impression was made by the immigration of R. Ḥayyim b. Moses *Attar of Salé, who went with disciples from Italy and established a prominent yeshivah (1742) in a building which is still standing. According to the rule "competition among scholars increases wisdom," more yeshivot were established in Jerusalem and the sounds of study echoed in its alleys. Wealthy Jews from all parts of the Diaspora contributed to the establishment and maintenance of these yeshivot. This activity also led to the increase in written works, especially of responsa, which were published in Constantinople, Izmir, Salonika, and the towns of Italy.
At the end of the 18th century, however, there was another decline in Jerusalem's Jewish population. According to a possibly somewhat exaggerated estimate, approximately 10,000 Jews lived there in the middle of the century, but as a result of the insecurity in the southern part of the country, the decline in influence of the central authority in Constantinople, and also epidemics and natural disasters, the population at the end of the century was estimated at half that number or even less.
In Jerusalem she(Hurrem Sultan often called Roxelana) established in 1552 the Haseki Sultan Imaret, a public soup kitchen to feed the poor and the needy.[28] This soup kitchen was said to have fed at least 500 people twice a day
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Queen Esther of the Ottoman Empire
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